Morning Comrades.
The continuing torrent of information that is coming from the dismantlement of USAID is both fascinating and terrifying. It’s operational goal and modus operandi comes at no surprise whatsoever, its scope however is breathtaking in its vastness and that leads us to today’s topic. Staying on a recent leak to and by Wikileaks on the subject though:
USAID has pushed nearly half a billion dollars ($472.6m) through a secretive US government financed NGO, "Internews Network" (IN), which has “worked with” 4,291 media outlets, producing in one year 4,799 hours of broadcasts reaching up to 778 million people and "training” over 9000 journalists (2023 figures). IN has also supported social media censorship initiatives.
The operation claims “offices” in over 30 countries, including main offices in US, London, Paris and regional HQs in Kiev, Bangkok and Nairobi. It is headed up by Jeanne Bourgault, who pays herself $451k a year. Bourgault worked out of the US embassy in Moscow during the early 1990s, where she was in charge of a $250m budget, and in other revolts or conflicts at critical times, before formally rotating out of six years at USAID to IN.
In a similar vein of how the CCF was exposed as a CIA operation back in the 60s and something we have covered on here a number of times the sheer scope of reality defying impact USAID has had is hard to grasp, only because following logic down that rabbit hole will force anyone to challenge every western narrative since JFK. Yet, this brings us directly to the culprits behind this, namely Trump and Musk, who are using this dismantlement of USAID to sell their fraudulent nationalism to their MAGA base. By pretending to expose USAID as the “swamp” of deep state tax wastage they are trying to appease and more importably obfuscate their base from what their game is. Namely, the wholesale stripping and selling off whatever remains of the American Empire.
Trump’s Nationalism as a Smokescreen for Kleptocracy
Donald Trump has consistently branded himself as a "nationalist," appealing to a populist, right-wing base that perceives him as a defender of American sovereignty and working-class interests. However, this self-styled nationalism functions primarily as ideological cover for a kleptocratic agenda—one in which Trump and his ruling-class allies, both domestic and international, extract wealth from the United States at the expense of the working class. Beneath his rhetoric of "America First," Trump is neither a genuine nationalist nor an advocate for national self-sufficiency, but a capitalist opportunist who aligns with international billionaires and criminal networks to pillage public wealth.
Nationalism is frequently deployed by the ruling class as an ideological weapon to obscure class struggle. The bourgeoisie cultivates national identity to prevent the working class from recognizing its shared interests with workers across national borders. In Trump's case, this tactic is explicit: his rhetoric centers on a nostalgic and quite frankly imaginary vision of American greatness, combined with xenophobia and protectionist posturing, which masks his true economic agenda of facilitating wealth extraction by the capitalist class.
Historically, similar strategies have been used by reactionary leaders facing economic crisis. For example, in the 19th century, European monarchies and industrial elites promoted nationalism to counteract the influence of socialist and workers' movements. More recently, neoliberal politicians have paired economic deregulation with nationalist rhetoric to justify policies that benefit the capitalist class. Trump follows this model, presenting himself as a tribune of the "forgotten American" while enacting policies—such as corporate tax cuts, deregulation, and union-busting—that serve the interests of capital.
While Trump's nationalism is performative, his kleptocracy is very real. His presidency was and will be marked by a direct fusion of personal enrichment and state power, a classic characteristic of kleptocratic regimes. This was evident in:
Massive tax cuts for the wealthy – The 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act transferred trillions from the public sector to the capitalist elite, exacerbating wealth inequality while failing to deliver promised benefits to workers.
Privatization of public assets – Trump sought to dismantle regulatory protections and sell off public lands to corporate interests, much like oligarchic regimes in Russia or postcolonial rentier states.
Cronyism and corruption – Trump's presidency saw an unprecedented level of nepotism, with his family and associates directly profiting from government contracts, foreign deals, and policy decisions.
Pandemic profiteering – The COVID-19 crisis, rather than being a moment for national solidarity, became an opportunity for corporations and Trump’s allies to extract wealth through public bailouts and vaccine monopolies.
This pattern mirrors historical cases of kleptocracy, such as the Yeltsin-era Russian oligarchy, where neoliberal "shock therapy" was accompanied by elite wealth accumulation at the expense of the masses. Like those regimes, Trump’s economic policies were not aimed at national renewal but at consolidating wealth in the hands of a ruling few, including international billionaires and criminal financiers.
Despite his nationalist rhetoric, Trump’s alliances reveal his commitment to the global capitalist elite rather than American sovereignty. His business dealings and political alliances demonstrate that his true loyalties lie with capital, not the nation-state. Trump’s financial ties to Russian billionaires and Middle Eastern despots, illustrate that his supposed hostility to "globalism" is a façade. His businesses benefited from international money laundering networks and offshore tax havens, the same mechanisms used by global capitalists to evade national control.
Trump’s real estate empire has been linked to international money laundering operations, often involving criminal networks from Russia, Turkey, and Central Asia. This mirrors the behaviour of oligarchic regimes, where state power is used to facilitate illicit capital flows rather than national development. Rather than restoring American manufacturing, Trump's trade wars and tax policies primarily benefited financial capital, real estate speculation, and extractive industries, all of which operate in a transnational context. His administration accelerated the decline of industrial employment while boosting financial elites.
Trump is not an anomaly in this regard. Both, Rosa Luxemburg and Vladimir Lenin pointed out, capitalism in its imperialist phase depends on the global exploitation of resources, labour, and financial instruments. Trump's business empire and political agenda align perfectly with this tendency—he champions nationalism for the masses while operating as a globalised capitalist for himself.
White Supremacy as a Mechanism of Class Domination
A critical component of Trump’s strategy is the use of white supremacy to divide the working class and legitimise his rule. His racial politics—demonising immigrants, emboldening far-right groups, and rolling back civil rights protections—serve the same function as historical forms of racial capitalism: to prevent multiracial working-class solidarity. Like the Southern plantation aristocracy or colonial rulers who enriched themselves while preaching racial superiority, Trump’s nationalism masks a system of economic exploitation that disproportionately harms working-class people of colour. His policies—such as mass incarceration, border militarisation, and cuts to social programs—reinforce racial economic disparities while benefiting capitalist elites.
Trump’s demonisation of immigrants and racial minorities channels working-class anger away from the true sources of economic decline—capitalist restructuring, financial speculation, and corporate monopolisation—and instead scapegoats vulnerable populations. By encouraging white nationalist groups, Trump follows a pattern seen in fascist and reactionary regimes, where private militias and reactionary movements are cultivated as a counterweight to labor and socialist movements.
By historicising Trump's racial politics, we see that his strategy is neither new nor unique—it is the same reactionary project that has historically accompanied capitalist crisis, from Jim Crow-era America to fascist Europe.
Trump’s presidency did and will exemplifies a broader tendency in late-stage capitalism: the fusion of kleptocracy, reactionary nationalism, and elite transnational profiteering. His appeal to nationalism is a tactical maneuver to obscure the fundamental contradictions of his rule—his actual governance aligns him not with the interests of the American people, but with the global capitalist elite.
Far from being a nationalist in any meaningful sense, Trump is a product of capitalist decay, a figure who, like past reactionary leaders, uses racial division and nationalist rhetoric to facilitate wealth extraction by a corrupt ruling class. His rule should not be understood as an aberration, but as a predictable outcome of a declining imperial order in which capitalism, facing crisis, resorts to ever more authoritarian and kleptocratic means to maintain its grip on power.
A true alternative to Trumpism will not come from within the capitalist system, but from an organised, class-conscious movement that transcends nationalism and challenges the economic foundations of kleptocracy itself.
Lastly, it is worth reminding ourselves that no matter what the mouthpieces of the Capitalism call it, from oligarchy, kleptocracy to late stage Capitalism, the enemy remains the same: Capitalism.
We serve the Revolution.
Yours, warmly,
V.